AP & SAT2 历史知识点：丘吉尔铁幕演讲
就在73年前的今天，1946年3月5日，英国前首相温斯顿·丘吉尔（Winston Churchill）受邀前往美国密苏里州富尔顿市(Fulton)的威斯敏斯特学院(Westminster College)发表演讲。
他当着美国总统哈里·杜鲁门(Harry S. Truman)的面发表了“铁幕”演说（the Iron Curtain Speech）。这篇演讲立即引起了全世界的注意。
丘吉尔（左）和杜鲁门总统（右）在前往密苏里州富尔顿的列车上
丘吉尔铁幕演讲（Iron Curtain Speech）是冷战时期（Cold War）最著名的演说之一。分割西方自由资本主义阵营和以苏联为首的共产主义阵营的“铁幕”一词便从这个演讲而来。
演讲中，英国前首相丘吉尔谴责苏联在欧洲的政策，并宣称：“从波罗的海的斯特丁到亚得里亚海的的里雅斯特，铁幕落在整个大陆上。 “丘吉尔的演讲被认为是宣布冷战开始的开场演出之一。
“铁幕”一词用来描述西方列强与苏联控制区域之间的区别，后来被用来形容生活在苏联势力范围内的国家。因此，这一讲话标志着冷战的开始。 丘吉尔的“铁幕”一词随即也进入了冷战的官方词汇。
演讲背景：从盟友到敌人
温斯顿·丘吉尔从1940年到1945年
以及从1951年到1955年担任首相
第二次世界大战是在同盟国共同努力反对扩张主义轴心国的情况下爆发的。但在第二次世界大战结束后不久，也就是当丘吉尔发表铁幕演讲时，原先的盟友美国与苏联正处于彼此怀疑，重新划定霸权线的阶段。美苏尚未达到公开冲突的程度，冷战也尚未全面展开。
而丘吉尔的这番演讲将双方都推向了冲突。他通过比较共产主义的威胁与希特勒构成的威胁，把苏联描绘成一个具有危险扩张的角色，以此来鼓励美国对共产主义采取强硬立场；也通过这番言论，让苏联人感受到来自西方强烈反对的态度，让苏联对西方的信任度降低。
丘吉尔的演讲目的
丘吉尔想要确保英国能在即将到来的冷战中，扮演站在美国一方的重要角色。他的目标是在英美两国之间建立一种“特殊关系”。他向美国人强调说:“我们不仅说同样的语言，我们的想法也一样。”
杜鲁门（左）和丘吉尔（右）
在密苏里州富尔顿
丘吉尔首先赞扬了美国，称美国“站在世界权力的顶峰”。很快，人们就明白了，他演讲的主要目的。就是主张美国与“英语世界”的大国——英国——之间建立更紧密的“特殊关系”，以便能一起组织和管理战后的世界。
他特别对苏联的扩张主义政策提出了警告。除了笼罩在东欧的“铁幕”，丘吉尔还提到了在西欧和南欧开展活动的“共产主义第五纵队”。丘吉尔将其与二战前希特勒灾难性的绥靖政策相提并论，认为在与苏联人打交道时，“没有什么比实力更让他们钦佩，也没有什么比军事上的软弱更让他们不尊重。”
对丘吉尔演讲的反应
时任美国总统的杜鲁门非常吃丘吉尔这套说辞。他认定苏联有扩张的决心，认为只有强硬的立场才能阻止苏联。因此，杜鲁门提出了“杜鲁门主义”，去遏制共产主义在全球范围内的扩张。
从此，长达40多年的美苏冷战便缓缓拉开了帷幕。今天我们就一起回到历史的现场，一起看看这个著名的丘吉尔铁幕演讲（Iron Curtain Speech），到底是如何加速了超级大国之间的紧张关系的？
文末附上了中英对照的演讲全文
无论你要考的是美国史、欧洲史、还是世界史，
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"冷战"
铁幕演讲视频译文：
It is my duty however, for I am sure you would not wish me to not misstate the facts as I see them to you. It is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
不管如何，我有责任把有关当前欧洲形势的某些事实摆在你们面前。
From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow.
从波罗的海的什切青到亚得里亚海边的的里雅斯特，一幅横贯欧洲大陆的铁幕已经降落下来。在这条线后面座落着中欧和东欧古国的都城。华沙、柏林、布拉格、维也纳、布达佩斯、贝尔格莱德、布加勒斯特和索菲亚——所有这些名城及其居民无一不处在苏联的势力范围之内，不仅以这种或那种形式屈服于苏联的势力影响，而且还受到莫斯科日益增强的高压控制。
Athens alone -- Greece with its immortal glories -- is free to decide its future at an election under British, American, and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to preeminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.
只有雅典放射着它不朽的光辉，在英、美、法三国现场观察下，自由地决定它的前途。受俄国支配的波兰政府在前者怂恿之下正对德国领土实行不义的大片侵占，正在以可悲而难以置信的规模把数以百万计的德国人成群地驱逐出境。在所有这些东欧国家，原本弱小的共产党已经上升到同它们党员人数远不相称的主导掌权地位，到处争取极权主义的控制。警察政府几乎在到处都占了上风。到目前为之，除了捷克斯洛伐克，该地区根本没有真正的民主。
Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western democracies had conquered.
土耳其和波斯都为莫斯科政府向它们提出的要求以及施加的压力而感到惊惶万分。驻在柏林的俄国人正试图通过对各左翼领导集团的袒护，在他们的德国占领区建立一个准共产党。去年6月战斗结束时，美国和英国军队按照先前的协议从一条将近四百英里宽的战线上西撤，在某些地方撤退距离深达一百五十英里。俄国人就这样占领了西方民主国家所攻打下来的辽阔的土地。
If now the Soviet government tries, by separate action, to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the American and British zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts -- and facts they are -- this is certainly not the liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.
现在，如果苏联政府试图单独行动，在他们的地区建立一个亲共的德国，将会给英美两国占领区制造严重的困难，战败的德国人将会得到在苏联和西方民主国家之间拍卖抬价的权力。这些都是事实。不论我们从中得到什么结论，这肯定不是我们进行武装斗争所要建立的自由欧洲，也不是一个具有永久和平必要条件的欧洲。
The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wishes and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend. Twice we have seen them drawn by irresistible forces into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. Twice the United States has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter. That, I feel, opens a course of policy of very great importance.
女士们先生们，世界的安全有赖于欧洲成为新的整体，没有哪个国家应当被永远排除在外。我们刚刚目睹的这场战争之所以发生就是因为欧洲强势民族之间争端不止。我们这一代人已经两次见到美国违背国内意愿与传统，不顾争议与谁也不敢轻忽的力量，受无法抵挡的力量牵引着两次步入战争，为正义一方争取胜利，但两次都等到可怖的屠杀与毁灭已然发生时才动身。有两次，美国不得不派遣数百万年轻人穿越大西洋去寻找战争;但如今，在黄昏和黎明之间，无论住在何处，战争都能找着。当然，我们应该有意识地在联合国的结构内并根据我们的《宪章》为欧洲的大和平而努力。我认为，这开启了一个非常重要的政策进程。
In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito's claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless, the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I worked for a strong France, and I never lost faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now.
在横跨欧洲的铁幕前面，还有其它令人焦虑的因素。意大利共产党由于不得不支持共产党训练的铁托元帅对亚得里亚海顶端前意大利领土的要求而受到严重的牵制。尽管如此，意大利还是前途未卜。再一点，如果没有一个强大的法国，欧洲的复兴将是不可思议的。甚至在最黑暗的日子里，我也不曾对法国的命运丧失信心。现在自然更不会。
However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization. These are somber facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.
不过在远离俄国边界、遍布世界各地的许多国家里，共产党第五纵队已经建立。它绝对服从来自共产主义中心的指令，完全协调地工作着。除了在英联邦和美国——那里的共产主义运动还在婴儿时代——共产党第五纵队到处都构成对基督教文明的日益严重的挑衅和危险。这是任何人在取得胜利的次日都应该谨记的黯淡事实。这一胜利是通过在战斗中以及在自由和民主的事业中结成情谊深厚的战友关系所取得的。如果我们不趁还来得及的时候正视这些事实，那就太不明智了。
The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia. But it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might not extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected, by the best judges, to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.
远东尤其是满洲地区的情况同样不容乐观。雅尔塔协议——我也是签署人之一——极度偏向苏俄，但是签署该协议时谁也没想到对德战争会在在1945年夏秋季过去之前结束，而根据当时的主流意见对日作战在对德战争结束后还要持续一年半。在这个国家你们对于远东局势是很熟悉的，也一直是中国的忠实朋友，因此我在这里就不多说了。
I have however felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. I was a minister at the time of the Versailles Treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or even the same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.
但是我还是感到有责任对这片笼罩东西方世界的阴影进行描述。凡尔赛和约签署期间我是一名政府大臣，也是英国代表团团长劳合-乔治先生的密友。我本人对于凡尔赛的许多做法都不以为然，但这一事件依旧给我留下了深刻印象，将当时的情况与眼下相比实在令我心如刀绞。当时的人们怀有高涨的希望与无限的信心，相信战争永不会重来，相信国联无所不能。在眼下这个动荡的世界，我完全没有看到或感受到相同的信心或希望。
On the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable -- still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here today, while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere "waiting to see what happens." Nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.
另一方面，女士们、先生们，我反对一场新战争不可避免的观点，更反对它迫在眉睫的观点。因为我相信我们的命运仍然掌握在我们自己的手中，我们拥有拯救未来的力量，我感到现在我有责任大声疾呼，因为我现在有机会这样做。我不相信苏联想要战争。他们所渴望的是战争的果实，以及他们权力和教义的无限扩张。但是，我们今天在这里，在还有时间的情况下，必须考虑的是永久防止战争，以及在所有国家尽快建立自由和民主的条件。我们的困难和危险不是闭上眼睛就能消除的。它们不会仅仅因为“等着看会发生什么”而消失。它们也不会被绥靖政策所消除。我们需要的是一项解决办法，拖延的时间越长，解决办法就越困难，我们的危险就会越大。
From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing they admire so much as strength. And there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles of the United Nations Charter, their influence for furthering those principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided or falter in their duty, and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away, then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all. Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention.
从我在战争中看到的俄罗斯朋友和盟国的情况来看，我相信，他们最钦佩的是力量。他们最不尊重的就是软弱，尤其是军事上的软弱。正因为如此，旧的权力平衡学说是不健全的。如果我们能够帮助它，我们就不能在狭小的范围内工作，为力量的考验提供诱惑。如果西方民主国家严格遵守《联合国宪章》的各项原则，它们对促进这些原则的影响将是巨大的，没有人可能侵犯这些原则。然而，如果他们在各自的职责上出现分歧或动摇，如果让这些至关重要的岁月悄悄溜走，那么灾难确实有可能压垮我们所有人。上次我看到这一切都来了，我向自己的同胞和全世界大声疾呼，但没有人理会。
Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken her, and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. There never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous, and honored today; but no one would listen -- and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. And surely, ladies and gentlemen, I put it to you, surely, we must not let that happen again.
直到1933年，甚至1935年，德国都可能从降临在她身上的可怕命运中拯救出来，我们也可能都不会遭受希特勒给人类带来的苦难。在历史上，没有一场战争比刚刚使地球上如此广大地区荒芜的战争更容易通过及时行动加以预防。我相信，如果没有一枪一弹，它是可以避免的，今天的德国可能是强大、繁荣和光荣的;但是没有人愿意听——我们一个接一个地被卷入可怕的漩涡。当然，女士们，先生们，我告诉你们，当然，我们不能让这种事情再次发生。
Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony.
请不要低估不列颠帝国和英联邦的坚持。你们或许看到了4600万本岛居民受到食品供应的困扰，看到他们的粮食自给率只有一半，甚至在战时也是如此。你们或许看到了在充满激情的6年战争努力后我们在恢复工业生产与出口贸易方面所遭遇的困难。但绝不要以为我们无法像历经战火洗礼的年月一样挺过眼下物质匮乏的黑暗时刻。
Do not suppose that half a century from now you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world united in defense of our traditions, and our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such cooperation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe, and in science, and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary, there will be an overwhelming assurance of security.
绝不要以为半个世纪之后你们不会看到7000至8000万英国人遍布全世界，为了捍卫我们的传统、生活方式以及你我双方共同支持的事业而团结在一起。如果在美国的人口之外再加上英语联邦的人口，再加上这种合作关系所涉及的在空中、海上、科学和工业各方面的合作，那就不会出现不稳定或不可靠的力量均衡，挑逗野心家和冒险家们轻举妄动，相反将会出现压倒性的安全保证。
If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength, seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the highroads of the future will be clear, not only for us, but for all; not only for our times, but for a century to come.
倘若我们忠实于联合国宪章，以镇定而清醒的力量向前迈进，不贪图任何人的土地与财富，不对人类思想进行任何专断控制;倘若英国所有道义上、物质上的力量和信念，都同你们的力量和信念兄弟般的联合在一起，那将不仅为我们、为我们的时代，而且也将为所有的人与未来的世纪带来一个广阔的前程，这是明确无疑的。